
Follower of Coronado School
According to an interview in the animal rights newsletter Animal People, Goodwin "grew up with the animal rights movement, dropping out of Germantown High School in Memphis in the 11th grade to focus on activism, doing janitorial work for a living because the flexible hours allowed him time to protest. When protests didn’t bring quick results, Goodwin took up direct action, influenced by convicted fur farm and laboratory arsonist Rod Coronado."[ix] Coronado is a believer in animal "liberation", stating, "There isn’t a hierarchy of life, but one in which all life is equal." His dream: "If ALF was to get an above-ground voice, a political lobby, that is the next challenge."[x]
Goodwin embraced Coronado’s philosophy with a vengeance, attacking the human animal and its property, often with juveniles in tow. In the early ’90s, he coordinated street theater in Tennessee[xi] and issued succinct instructions: "If the feed barn, and processing barns are away from the animals, and downwind, then they could be burned down. Otherwise mink releases are the only way to go."[xii]
Predictably, Goodwin was arrested multiple times in various states, culminating in his being charged as the alleged ringleader of a gang that vandalized fur stores. In April 1993, he and two juveniles pleaded guilty. Sentenced to three years in prison, they spent the next 30 months under house arrest, but the prison term was overturned for six months probation. Animal People reported, "By the time Goodwin completed the probation, he had already become - at 22 - a nationally recognized animal rights movement leader, forming CAFT and organizing anti-fur civil disobedience demonstrations throughout the South and Midwest." However, Goodwin’s tactics "seemed mainly to get lots of young activists arrested, photographed, fingerprinted, jailed, and fined."[xiii]
Animal People continued, "In 1996 - 1997 Goodwin gleefully announced a string of Animal Liberation Front (ALF) mink releases and arsons against furriers and fur farms." Goodwin acted as ALF spokesman for a Petaluma, California slaughterhouse arson in February 1997, and shocked the public with his comments on the March 1997 arson at a farmer’s feed co-op in Utah. "We’re ecstatic," said Goodwin of the fire that did almost a million dollars of damage and could have killed a caretaker family sleeping on the premises. "We have no problem with inanimate objects being destroyed so animate objects can survive," he continued. "We believe life is more valuable than property."[xiv]
In May 1997, ALF attacked a mink farm in Mt. Angel, Oregon, releasing and abandoning 10,000 farm-raised animals. Over 4,000, primarily kits not yet weaned from their mothers, died miserable deaths in the days following the attack, while the survivors were severely stressed by the experience. But Goodwin was unmoved by the carnage, and callously demanded body counts. "They claim thousands of minks have died," he said. "Let’s see thousands of bodies."[xv] The farming family, police, reporters and insurance adjusters dutifully counted the bodies while Goodwin gave interviews and furthered his career.
Training Kids for a Living
As one of the "All-Star" speakers at the 1997 Animal Rights Conference in DC, Goodwin participated in panels on "Gaining public attention (Developing tactics to gain public attention for our cause without damaging our public image)" with Elliot Katz of In Defense of Animals and Ingrid Newkirk of People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals. Goodwin discussed training the next generation of conflict industry workers with: "The intergenerational connection (Improving relations between student groups and the rest of the movement)".[xvi] He held "education and strategy training sessions" for young people, featuring Breaking Free!, a video glorifying crimes commited by ALF and the Earth Liberation Front.[xvii]
A pattern of juvenile arrests emerged at protests organized by Goodwin/CAFT and another conflict group, the Animal Defense League (ADL). Sometimes the juveniles were from out of state, sometimes the arrests were during school hours.[xviii] Goodwin praised the Straight Edge faction of young vegans, who turned intolerant and militant, for "breathing new life into the movement."[xix] To thwart attempts at identification, Goodwin and his cohorts took to donning ski masks. Now you see them, now you don’t.
Peter Schnell of New Jersey was 17 when arrested in New York in 1998 at a Goodwin/CAFT/ADL protest. Matt Whyte of California was only 16 when arrested in 1999 at a protest in Seattle, during school hours on a school day. Goodwin, who was also present at that protest, told the Associated Press he did not know why Whyte was not in school. Hours later, three more out-of-state juveniles were arrested after they donned masks, climbed a tall fence at a nearby fur farm and vandalized animal pens, scattering the terrified mink. In January 2001, Goodwin/CAFT/ADL protégés Whyte, now 18, and Schnell, now 20, were arrested in the middle of the night behind the Capitola (California) City Hall with materials for making bombs.[xx]
Going Global
In the late ’90s, CAFT went global with its conflict product, hanging out website shingles in the UK and Sweden. CAFT-UK’s website states that the British arm was established to "regenerate the grass-roots campaign against the fur trade in Britain." It also brags of "pickets outside [shops] on a daily basis" along with "mass arrests", "smashed" windows and protests at shop owners’ homes.
"We have found that civil disobedience and direct action has been powerful in generating massive attention in our communities ... and has been very effective in traumatizing our targets," noted Goodwin.[xxi]
By 1998, at just 25 years old, Goodwin was describing himself as a "former member of ALF".[xxii] His busy schedule was filled with interviews, arrests, ALF p.r., addressing kids at conferences, protests, a presence in several countries and, in the summer of 1999, the filing of a lawsuit against CAFT under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act by a Philadelphia furrier tired of incessant protests and attacks on his property and staff.[xxiii]
Despite all this effort, US retail fur sales hit $1.69 billion in 2000, up a whopping 54% from $1.1 billion in 1994, when Goodwin started CAFT.
Cleaning Up His Act
By August of 2000, Goodwin was trying to clean up his act, or at least his public image. Following the lead of other industry execs before him, he realized that society’s patience with his lawbreaking ways was running thin. "I do not plan to ever do civil disobedience again," he told Animal People. "I’m convinced that politics is the way to go, and to that end I am taking classes in political campaign management. Targeting bad lawmakers, and helping good lawmakers, is what I feel this movement has failed to do, miserably."[xxiv]
Now that he’s an established conflict industrialist backed by HSUS’s huge financial reserves of almost $100 million, Goodwin will be in a stronger position to realize two goals: Rodney Coronado’s dream of "an above-ground voice, a political lobby" for ALF, and his personal dream, "the abolition of all animal agriculture".[xxv]
And yes, the hard-working citizenry supports all this as "public benefit" with tax-free status and our law enforcement response costs. Tax-free conflict, tax-free trauma, HSUS and Goodwin, together, making a living in the conflict industry.
In the meantime, the Environment, Inc. juggernaut will continue charging forward without codes of ethics or standards, filling its pockets to the detriment of genuine conservation and humane work.
Source: http://www.responsiblewildlifemanagement.org/careers_in_the_conflict_industry.htm
Once upon a
time there was grass-roots politics. Now there's "astroturf."
With due acknowledgment to the holder of the
AstroTurf trademark, for the product used in landscaping, among journalists the
term is used to refer to a political product – fake grass-roots activity.
For instance, the kind that's generated by slick Web
sites promising "Click here, and we'll send your message to everybody in
Congress" or to a long list of newspapers.
It's a plague.
If you've ever enlisted yourself in a campaign of
this kind, you probably know by now that it is their message that is being sent,
not yours. And in the process of sending it, the people operating the site have
acquired your name, your e-mail address and a pretty good idea of what pushes
your buttons. The individually tailored fund-raising messages won't be long in
coming.
No one knows how much of this stuff actually gets
published. Editors see so much of it that they get pretty good at weeding it
out. But in any case, they have help.
Several hundred people belong to an e-mail list
maintained by the National Conference of Editorial Writers. Anyone who suspects
a letter didn't originate with the person who claims to have written it posts
the text of the letter to the list. If another paper has received the same
letter, bingo! That's all she wrote.
In some cases, literally. A good many papers refuse
to print further letters from people who've been caught putting their names to
"astroturf."
They are, after all, plagiarists. A few papers even
publicly identify writers who have attempted to pass off others' work as their
own.
There's little doubt about the intent to deceive. The
Farm Animal Reform Movement, one of the worst offenders, enrolls people it calls
"FARM reps" who give permission for their names to be used.
A site dedicated to consumer activism describes
FARM's scheme as follows:
The group faxes letters to local newspapers, each one
"signed" by the FARM rep in that area. "Each time we fax letters to the
editors," new reps are told, "we simultaneously e-mail a copy to you, so you can
anticipate receiving a call from your editor confirming that you wrote/sent the
letter."
That is, when your local paper asks you whether you
wrote the letter, you are instructed to lie about it.
It doesn't even work very well, now that so many
people are comparing notes. Just as the 13th stroke of a clock invalidates not
only itself but the 12 strokes that came before it, the second identical or
near-identical letter discredits all other letters that resemble it.
And by making hundreds of editors hypersensitive to
the possibility of deception on FARM's pet issues, it has probably discouraged
the publication of a much larger number of genuine letters.
A different kind of "astroturf" surfaced on the list
a few weeks ago, when editors shared their suspicions about a couple of
noticeably similar op-ed submissions, both of which touted the same medical
product. I won't identify it because the purpose of the submissions was to get
free publicity, and I am disinclined to oblige.
A little further investigation revealed that the
pieces did not come directly from "Professor X" or "Doctor Y," as they appeared
to. Instead, all the messages were sent from the same computer, which we traced
to the bulk e-mail division of Cable & Wireless USA.
Not a good sign.
Professor X was appalled to discover what was going
on. He had, he told me, originally been asked if he would allow his name to be
used on a promotional piece, and he refused.
He is, however, genuinely enthusiastic about the
product and so he agreed to look over a draft, which he revised and sent back.
But he didn't know how it was being distributed, or that other authors had been
similarly recruited.
A certain amount of ghostwriting is acceptable.
Newspaper editors do know that when they receive or solicit commentary from
someone busy enough or important enough to have his own media staff, he's
probably not scratching it out himself with a quill pen on parchment. But that's
open and aboveboard. What pushes C&W over the line is the deliberate attempt
to conceal its role, and its clients' role, in generating the articles.
In fact, concealment is a selling point, according to
the C&W Web site. It boasts that its system evades attempts to block spam,
and also that each recipient of a company's mass e-mail "sees the messages as
being individually delivered to them." In addition, the message shows only the
company's name in the "From" address.
By now, Professor X assures me, the company that
produces this product understands what a public-relations disaster C&W
engineered for it. At hundreds of newspapers, any expression of opinion
favorable to the company or its product has been rendered suspect and the only
safe way to deal with that suspicion is not to publish.
This "astroturf" doesn't do you any good. It doesn't
do your favorite causes any good. Stay off it. Source: http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/uniontrib/mon/opinion/news_1e24seebach.html
It's called "This is your chance to drive them out," and it has
Great Britain talking. The secret document, which is part of the violent SHAC
animal-rights campaign, was exposed in a parliamentary debate last week.
This frightening how-to manual on intimidation and fear tactics
is, presumably, in the hands of hundreds of animal-rights activists. Here are a
few excerpts, as presented in the British Parliament:
"A simple tactic has been adopted recently. Pick your target. Throw a
couple of rape alarms in their roof guttering or thick hedgerow, and leg it.
Being kept awake at night hardly puts you in a good mood at work or with your
family."
"Another idea is to set off extra loud fireworks from a safe distance that
will wake up [your victim] and everybody else for miles around."
"From the comfort of your own home, you can swamp all these bastards with
send no money offers. They cause huge inconvenience and can give them a bad
credit rating. Order them taxis, pizzas, curries, etc, the possibilities are
endless."
"Think, think, think. Don't lick stamps, use gloves when pasting stuff. No
idle talk in pubs. Burn your shoes and clothes after your night of
action." In bringing this document to light, MP Dr. Ian Gibson warned
against "justifying terrorist activities that no right-thinking individual in
any part of this planet would ever support."
Source: http://www.consumerfreedom.com/headline_detail.cfm?HEADLINE_ID=1843
Posted On March 26,
2003
By: Betty
Smith, Press Special Writer
Oklahoma Republicans will begin to build a
stronger grassroots base by concentrating on rural counties, the
state chairman said.
Gary Jones addressed the county Republican
convention Saturday evening at Tahlequah Motor Lodge.
"I know
what you guys face here in rural Oklahoma," Jones said.
Jones has
been a Republican and a Democrat. The Cache resident registered as a
Democrat when he ran for county commissioner, and won. Then he
switched his registry back to Republican, and lost when he ran for
re-election.
Jones said the first time he went to vote as a
Republican, the poll worker told him he wasn't registered.
"I
said, 'Turn to the back of the book.' She said, 'You're a
Republican?'" he said.
When he ran for county commissioner, the
county chairman told him not to bother, because he couldn't win. But
he did, in a county that had only 21 percent Republican
registration.
"There hadn't been a Republican elected in Comanche
County since the year I was born," he said.
Jones has always
urged other Republicans to run, including a person who ran to
replace retiring legislator Loyd Benson. He won.
Last year,
Jones, who has earned his CPA certification, ran for state auditor.
He said he was outspent 3 to 1, and got 49 percent of the vote. He
blames his loss to the swing vote for independent Gary Richardson, a
former Republican.
He said cockfighting also brought out many
people. GOP gubernatorial candidate Steve Largent's adamant
opposition to cockfighting helped with that turnout.
He said
constituents need to be vigilant.
"Gene Stipe got by with what he
got by with for all those years because they just turned their
heads," he said.
Jones said many people register as Democrats
because there are no Republicans running in primary
elections.
"People will register to vote as Democrats because so
many times that's the only ones who are running," he said. "More
people think of themselves as Republicans."
He said this is
especially true in the rural areas, where many people are
conservative.
"Where I'm going to be, and where the focus is
going to be with the state Republican party, is going out into the
rural areas," he said.
He will encourage Republicans to run for
county offices, for the school board, and for city and town offices,
"building that farm team like the Democrats have." These people
later can run for bigger offices.
"The biggest difference between
us and them is we elect people based on morals and convictions," he
said.
He predicts that 2004 will be a banner year for Republicans
seeking election.
"But we've got to go to work, staring now.
We're going to work harder, we're going to work smarter, and next
time we're going to get there," he said.
He believes a vote on a
state lottery will be beneficial to the GOP because it will bring
out people who are opposed to gambling.
He encouraged local
Republicans to hold events such as barbecues that people will want
to come to.
County Chairman Jerry Brown noted that Republicans
had accomplished several goals in last year's elections, maintaining
federal senators although local candidates did not achieve
victory.
"Locally, we had good candidates. They worked hard," he
said. "We had higher hopes, but things just didn't work out. We're
still trying to work out what is the impact of the chicken
initiative."
He said the Republicans will try to get someone to
run against State Rep. Jim Wilson, D-Tahlequah.
Brown said
Republican registration is increasing in almost every precinct, up 2
to 5 percent.
"We need to get out and let everybody know that the
Republican party is alive and well," he said.
The Republicans
also elected new county officials. Brown, who has held the office
for six years, chose not to run again, but volunteered to serve as
vice chairman. Lori Bigby was elected county chair, and George and
Ruth Kirk were elected to the state committee.
©Tahlequah
Daily Press 2003
The bill passed out of committee today and will now go to the
full House where a similar measure has already been passed.
In November,
voters approved a ban on cockfighting that makes cockfighting, owning the birds
or equipment used for cockfighting felony.
Cockfighting opponents say the
change would punish cockfighters with the equivalent of an expensive parking
ticket.